New York Times' Real Estate section calls it the Big Deal
The $100 Million Question
I call it an outrage, and I call for taxing the rich to the max. I know that they are to few for it to solve the big problems the country and the world is facing, but it would surely be a moral boost and make other changes possible that taken together could get us out of the rut. You can't ask people for shared sacrifices when the Marie Antoinette of today toys with her Hollywood Versailles.
Friday, April 27, 2012
New York Times' Real Estate section calls it the Big Deal
Wednesday, April 25, 2012
When I started to write this, I asked my self about that strange name - dandelion - strange because in my native Sweden we simply call it maskros (worm-rose). Wiktionary says that the English name comes from the French "dent-de-lion," which means the Lion's tooth. Another source tells me that it had the same name in Sweden back in the 1600s - Lejontand. I wonder what made it go from the King of the Savannah to the Worm-Rose?
Posted by Hans Sandberg at 9:04 AM
Saturday, April 21, 2012
"President Obama’s re-election campaign is straining to raise the huge sums it is counting on to run against Mitt Romney, with sharp dropoffs in donations from nearly every major industry forcing it to rely more than ever on small contributions and a relative handful of major donors."This could be the best thing that has happened to Barack Obama. It's time for him to reach back to the people who brought him to power, and that was not Wall Street and Hollywood.
Wednesday, April 18, 2012
Barack Obama has done a lot to mitigate the effects of Bush-Cheney recession, but not enough. His timid stimulus package was way too small, and he wasted too much time making nice with the Republicans. No he is trapped, and even a political moron such as Mitt Romney attracts a crowd. The explanation is the so many Americans still feel severe pain.
"Nearly two-thirds of people are concerned about paying for their housing, the poll found, and one in five people with mortgages say they are underwater. Four in 10 parents say they have had to alter expectations for the type of college they can afford to send their children. More than one-third of respondents said high gas prices had created serious financial hardships."If Romney wins, America is bust. What more is, the American democracy would be going down the drain.
New York Times: Doubts on Economy May Give Romney Opening, Poll Finds
Obama better win, or else.
Monday, April 16, 2012
"For those of us whose memories have not been erased by the censorship of getting rich gloriously, Fang was a hero. In the years and months leading up to the Tiananmen demonstrations in 1989, he dared to tell the historical facts -- about Mao, the Party, the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution -- to a new generation.
Although I didn't meet him till later in life, our fates were intertwined through the democracy movement. It was Professor Fang's open letter to Deng Xiaoping on January 6, 1989, that sparked the mass movement that Deng would crush in June. In that letter he called for my release from prison, where I had already served 10 of the 15 years I would ultimately serve for my big character poster calling for "the Fifth Modernization" -- democracy.
My gratitude to Fang remains immense. For foreign dignitaries to ask the Chinese government to release me was one thing, and I am of course grateful. But for the person whom Deng Xiaoping hated most to openly offend the dictator required enormous courage."
Sunday, April 15, 2012
|Fang Lizhi during his time at |
Princeton's Institute of Advanced Studies.
Photo: Hans Sandberg
The Emperor of China once let his ministers know that there was a deer in a hall where there actually was a horse. They all had to go into the hall and was then asked one by one about what they had seen. Those who gave the "wrong" answer were decapitated. The truth always carried a high price in China; a country that by the way has still not signed the UN’s Declaration of Human Rights. You could therefore say that Fang was lucky, because although he was forced to seek refuge at the U.S. Embassy in Beijing, and later go into exile a year later -- he did escape with his life intact.
Today we find him at Princeton's Institute for Advanced Studies – a peaceful oasis for brilliant minds. This is where his idol Albert Einstein once worked, and this is where Professor Fang now ponders the structure of the universe, as well as China's future.
Many of his former students and colleagues are also in the U.S., and he participates in their discussions around the path to a democratic and enlightened China. (There are about 20.000 Chinese guest students and visiting scientists in the U.S.).
However, the debate back home is closed to him, at least for now.
-I do not have much contact with China today. Sometimes I manage to send a letter with someone who travels to China.
The normal channels of communications are too risky. Letters are opened, phone calls intercepted, faxes monitored and electronic mail systems are still rare in China.
In the eyes of the Chinese government, he is still a criminal on the run. He has personally had to bear much of the blame for the 1989 mass protests, even though he never directly took part in the movement. But in all fairness, you have to give them credit, at least in part.
-Ha, ha, ha! I believe that I had a strong influence on the students. They respected me, sometimes! Ha, ha, ha, .... but the authorities were not happy. In China you are supposed to play follow the leader. They don’t like independent minded people!
Fang played a role in China fully comparable with that of Andrei Sakharov in the Soviet Union, and Vaclav Havel in Czechoslovakia. There are even those who sees him as a future president, something he himself rejects as a sign of Chinese authoritarianism. If there is anything he has preached over the years, it is that the Chinese must stop looking for relief from above:
-Democracy is not a gift bestowed upon us from the higher ups. It is up to us to fight for it, he said on December 4, 1986 in a speech to the students of one of China's top engineering universities – the University of Science and Technology of China (also called Keda using an abbreviation if its Chinese name), located in the city of Hefei in Anhui Province.
At the time the political climate in China was more free than ever before or after (except for a few weeks in May 1989).
-People talked about the "open policy" even though there were still many limitations. We took advantage of this, but we exceeded the limits! In my first speech, I criticized Marxism solely from a scientific perspective. Later on, I broadened my criticism, he says.
During 1985-86 he travelled around the country and gave speeches peppered with democratic ideas. In addition, he gave candid interviews to Chinese and foreign press.
-It was risky, because the authorities' could come down hard. I believed that you had to take small steps, push the limits a little at a time, he says.
It may have been small steps to Fang, but for the Chinese gerontocracy it was a seven-league stride.
-The most important thing if you want reforms is that you have a democratic mindset, he told Shanghai's students in November and went on:
-Nobody says so, at least not straight out, but if you look at the actual results, orthodox socialism, from Marx and Lenin to Stalin and Mao Zedong, was a failure.
This was blasphemy in Deng Xiaoping's China, where the government requires citizens to "maintain" the "four cardinal principles."
- The socialist road
- The dictatorship of the proletariat
- The party's leadership
- The leading role of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong thought
Despite his razor-sharp criticism, he did not deny that China has advanced since Mao's time.
-They would have made mincemeat out of me If I had said what I now say under "the seventeen years" (1949-1966), he told the Shanghai students in November 1986.
Unlike many of his intellectual colleagues, he was not content because things had improved, but attacked the key weakness in Deng's reforms -- China's fundamental lack of democracy and human rights.
-Democracy is not the same as easing up on the oppression a bit, he said in Shanghai.
How could he say this in a country that, when it came down to it, was a one-party state where thousands of dissidents were rotting away in penal labor camps? The answer lies in that he was first and foremost, an physicist. Scientists and engineers play a key role in Deng's modernization program why the regime has had more patience with them. Otherwise, he would have shared the fate of the young worker Wei Jingsheng, who in 1979 was sentenced to 15 years in China's Gulag for having called for a "Fifth Modernization", i.e. political freedom. Besides, there are those who suspect that he had a patron in the Communist Party Politburo member Hu Qili. But Fang denies this.
-We had met in the 1950s, but we didn’t have any contact until the 1985. By then he was a Politburo member, and the reason that we met was that he wanted to advise me not to say too much.
Hu Qili sent for Fang and they met on the way out from the former's office. There Fang was warned in a straightforward manner to not stir up trouble. But he refused to bend.
-It was a very short meeting, he says.
-It annoyed me that we were on an equal level psychologically, because I was above him in terms of knowledge, ha, ha, ha ... He, on the other hand stuck to his position of power and felt he was above me, he answers.
They had first met in February 1955 when Fang was a talented 19 year old student and a party member. It was during a training conference where he rushed up to the podium and grabbed the microphone, crying out with a loud voice that he felt that it was a boring meeting and that it was time for the students to think more independently.
|Fang Lizhi at the Institute of Advanced Studies. Photo: Hans Sandberg|
Hu Qili was presiding at the meeting. His first comment was: "Fang, that was well said!"
-I was very confused, because I was still a Marxist at the time. I thought that it must have been I that was wrong.
Two years later, Fang would be expelled from the Communist Party for his youthful digression. That was under Deng Xiaoping's mass persecution of "bourgeois rightist."
It was only after Mao's "great leap forward" (1958-60), which cost tens of millions of lives, that Fang stopped blaming himself for his political problems.
-People were starving and I realized that something must be wrong. I lost confidence in Mao and became more independent, he says.
Unlike many other Chinese communists who disliked Mao's extremism, Fang was never attracted by Mao's rival Liu Shaoqi, or the Soviet Communist Party, which experimented with limited economic and political reforms under Nikita Khrushchev.
At that time, it wasn’t possible to take even the smallest step towards freedom.
Eventually he was allowed to return to Beijing, but in 1969 he was transferred to Hefei, where China’s National Academy of Sciences had set up a new technical college. It would take until 1978 before Fang regained his "political rights," and the 21-year old expulsion from the Party was lifted.
He began a very active scientific life and he became China's youngest professor in 1981 at the age of 45. The reforms and his new status allowed him to take a series of trips abroad as a visiting professor and to participate in scientific seminars. This opened up new worlds and new perspectives, which only strengthened his conviction that China must open up completely to the outside world.
|Beijing's Ancient Astronomical Observatory. |
Photo: Hans Sandberg, 2001.
On December 5, the day after Fang told Keda’s students that democracy is something you have to fight for, 3,000 of them took to the streets in Hefei carrying banners saying "No Democratization, No Modernization!" and "Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death!" Later in December, 5,000 students marched in Wuhan, and 30,000 in Shanghai. The protest soon spread to Kunming, Chongqing, Shenzhen and by January, students marched to the Tiananmen Square in Beijing. This was the development that the party's reform friendly wing had feared, or rather, they feared the counter reaction that it could trigger.
Wan Li followed him back to his university and soon called a meeting for about one hundred provincial education directors, party secretaries and governors. It was formally a meeting about education policy, but the real purpose was to make Fang shut up and to quell the growing student protest movement.
-He criticized my belief that education should be independent of the party, says Fang, who at first did not answer the attack, something that irritated Wan Li.
-Fang Lizhi! Come up here and report to me, he shouted.
-Then I stood up and gave him a straightforward answer, says Fang. I am the vice-president of a university, and I know how to organize teaching and research. I know how to do this better than you, and I need no interference from the party!
Such recklessness both enticed and frightened Fang’s colleagues, who came up , after the meeting and said "you did well," and that they liked his views, but also told him to keep quiet about them! This was, as Orville Schell points out in his brilliant book about this time "Discos and Democracy," one of the few occasions in Communist China's history that anybody had publicly challenged a top leader on the issue of democracy.
If it hadn't been for a major gaffe by the party, Fang’s star would by then have passed its zenith.
-The Communist Party distributed my speeches all over the country in order for people to criticize them, but people identified with me and my speeches instead. Before that I was only well known among physicists and students, he says.
Either it was a blunder from the conservatives, or a clever trick from the radical reformists. For Fang, it was an unexpected help in breaking through the main obstacle to freedom of opinion in China – the Party's monopoly of information.
It can be difficult for an outsider to understand exactly how difficult it is to maintain what we take as normal contacts in China. The country is huge, poor, and has an extremely underdeveloped infrastructure. Simple things, like making a phone call or visiting a friend in another city, are difficult in China -- both for practical and political reasons.
-I had no telephone until 1987, but I still never communicated with my friends using a telephone, says Fang.
Only two Chinese in a thousand have a telephone. Employment, housing and travel are still things that require approval from the authorities, i.e. approval by the Communist Party. Snitching and spying on citizens are part of everyday life in a way that brings to mind George Orwell's book "1984". It was long forbidden, and sometimes even dangerous, to read foreign newspapers and listen to the Voice of America or the BBC.
Chinese society is thoroughly organized, and that in a way that gives the Party the greatest possible power. All official information channels run vertically -- Reports from the bottom up, and decisions from the top down.
-The Communist Party banned horizontal contacts between people in different fields after taking power in 1949, Fang says. Physicists can talk to physicists, but physicists cannot talk to artists, and certainly not to business managers!
- For example, I know Liu Binyan, but we've only met a few times and I have never met Wang Ruowang (a well-known dissident from Shanghai), he says.
This corporatist system keeps the opposition fragmented into many small isolated islands, whom the party can crush, tolerate or manipulate if it so pleases. In a way, the party swallowed the society, but by doing so downed the political views it wanted to get rid of, even if they were in disguised form. Instead of being ideologically united, the party became a platform for factional strife and conflicts between interest groups.
Deng Xiaoping's pragmatic philosophy – "It doesn't matter if a cat is black or white, so long as it catches mice” – was not much of an ideology, whether to defend the old system or build a new one. The already started reforms followed their own logic, and the very real divisions in the party made it increasingly inefficient as thought police.
-We had many meetings for professionals, and there we could get together and talk, says Fang. It took a lot of travel, because the telephone system is so inadequate.
It was in this situation that Fang wrote an open letter to Deng Xiaoping where he spoke about something that China's intellectuals had kept quiet about for ten years: Wei Jingsheng.
The short letter suggested that Deng should declare a national amnesty for political prisoners, including Wei. Fang thought it was fitting, given the 40th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic, the 70th anniversary of the "May Fourth Movement of 1919", and the 200thanniversary of the French Revolution.
-That was ten years since Wei Jingsheng had been sentenced, and even in Mao's time Communist Party's enemies were sometimes released after ten years. Freedom of expression was also quite large, but a difficulty was that Wei Jingsheng’s case was directly linked to Deng Xiaoping personally. It was a symbolic case. My aim was not to provoke. I thought that he should have been able to accept the letter. It would have been in Deng's interest to do it, says Fang with a frankness that has won him so many friends and such powerful enemies.
But Deng and the old guard behind China's shadow government are perhaps simply too old to listen to such talk. Hence, there is not much Fang and the 20.000 Chinese students in the U.S. can do, but to wait. Deng is after all 87 years old, and the next chapter in China's modernization could begin anytime now.
More about Fang Lizhi
Hans Sandberg: Därför hatar Kinas makthavare Fang Lizhi
Wikipedia on Fang Lizhi
Perry Link: On Fang Lizhi (1936 - 2012)
James Fallows: Fang Lizhi
Orville Schell: China's Andrei Sakharov
The Economist: Fang Lizhi
James H. Williams: Fang's Expanding Universe
By Fang Lizhi:
The Real Deng (New York Review of Books, November 10, 2011)
My 'Confession' (New York Review of Books, June 23, 2011)
An Appeal to the ‘Fortune’ Conference in Shanghai (w. Robert L. Bernstein in New York Review of Books, September 23, 1999)
The Hope for China (w. Perry Link in New York Review of Books, October 17, 1996)
The Chinese Amnesia (New York Review of Books, September 27, 1990)
Keeping the Faith (New York Review of Books, December 21, 1989)
Letters from the Other China (w. Orville Schell in New York Review of Books, July 20, 1989)
China’s Despair and China’s Hope (New York Review of Books, February 2, 1989)
Scientific publications since 1989
Bringing Down the Great Wall: Writings on Science, Culture, and Democracy in China (W. W. Norton & Company, New York, 1992)
Creation of the Universe (w. T. Kiang and Li Shu Xian, World Scientific Publishing Company, 1993)
Sunday, April 1, 2012
A political trifecta hit the Republican primary race over the weekend.
Mitt Romney canceled his campaign to become the Republican candidate for President.
"I am sick of wasting my time and money on people who don't appreciate me," Romney told Fox News on Saturday night.
Meanwhile a teary-eyed Newt Gingrich announced his intention to leave Callista and become a Trappist monk.
"It's time for me to hold my tongue," Newt told "This Week in Politics" on Sunday morning.
As if this wasn't enough, Rick Santorum, declared that he was one of the three winners of the $640 million Megamillions loto.
"I'm through with Washington, and I have decided to launch a new Crusade to liberate Istanbul and then move on to defeat the infidels in Iran," a somber Santorum told Pittsburgh Gazette on Saturday.
Posted by Hans Sandberg at 12:10 AM